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China’s 30-year deadline to rule the world

China’s 30-year deadline to rule the world

CHINA’S leader has laid out his ambitious plans for a superpower in a three-hour speech with huge implications for Australia. 20, 20176:00AM

China has unveiled ambitious plans to become the next major superpower. Picture: Greg Baker/AFPSource:AFP

BEIJING has outlined plans to become the world’s biggest superpower within the next 30 years.

Opening a five-yearly national congress, Chinese President Xi Jinping set out his time frame for the country to become a “global leader” with international influence.

In his 3 ½ hour speech, Mr Xi urged a reinvigorated Communist Party to take a stronger role in society and economic development to better address the nation’s “grim” challenges.

Speaking in the massive Great Hall of the People near Tiananmen Square, Mr Xi laid out his vision of a ruling party that served as the vanguard for everything from defending national security to providing moral guidance.

He also called for the party not only to safeguard China’s sovereignty but also to revitalise Chinese culture, oppose “erroneous” ideology and promote religion that is “Chinese in orientation”.

China’s President Xi Jinping gives his speech at the opening session of the Chinese Communist Party’s national congress at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Picture: Wang Zhao/AFP

China’s President Xi Jinping gives his speech at the opening session of the Chinese Communist Party’s national congress at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing. Picture: Wang Zhao/AFPSource:AFP

He said “it was time for his nation to transform itself into a mighty force” that could lead the entire world on political, economic, military and environmental issues, The Guardian reported.

“The Chinese nation … has stood up, grown rich, and become strong — and it now embraces the brilliant prospects of rejuvenation … It will be an era that sees China moving closer to centre stage and making greater contributions to mankind,” Mr Xi said.

Hailing the start of a “new era”, Mr Xi outlined a vision in which the party would lead China on the road to becoming a “great modern socialist country” by the mid-century.

“The great rejuvenation of the Chinese nation is no walk in the park or mere drum-beating and gong-clanging. The whole party must be prepared to make ever more difficult and harder efforts,” Mr Xi told hundreds of delegates.

“To achieve great dreams there must be a great struggle.”

In a rare acknowledgment of the country’s economic issues, Mr Xi said China’s “prospects are bright but the challenges are grim”.

Critics argue China’s plans are ambitious given it has massive demographic issues and slowed economic growth.

A Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) officer practices conducting a military band before the opening session of the Chinese Communist Party’s five-yearly Congress. Picture: Wang Zhao/AFP

A Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) officer practices conducting a military band before the opening session of the Chinese Communist Party’s five-yearly Congress. Picture: Wang Zhao/AFPSource:AFP


Senior analyst in defence strategy and capability at the Australian Strategic Policy Institute, Dr Malcolm Davis, told Mr Xi’s message was loud and clear.

Dr Davis said Beijing wanted to replace the US as the world’s dominant superpower, an idea many people have dismissed as absurd as recently as a few years ago.

“China just doesn’t want to be a just regional superpower, it wants to be the superpower,” he said.

Dr Davis said Beijing wanted to challenge US supremacy and reshape the region according to China’s interests and economic development.

However, he acknowledged China faced several domestic challenges which stood in the way of its long-term goal, including suppression of democracy and freedom of speech.

Dr Davis also said Beijing faced a huge demographic problem with an increasing ageing population and declining birthrate.

This, in turn, would further impact on economic growth.

US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping during a meeting on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Germany last July. Picture: Saul Loeb/AP

US President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping during a meeting on the sidelines of the G20 Summit in Germany last July. Picture: Saul Loeb/APSource:AP

“Like all authoritarian governments, Beijing sees anything which challenges it as a problem and will crack down hard on that,” Dr Davis said.

“After the Tiananmen Square massacre, Beijing said to its people: ‘If you forgo democracy, we will give you prosperity.’”

He questioned what would happen once China’s prosperity ran out and the disparity between rural and city and the elite and the common man was more obvious.
Dr Davis pointed out Beijing was a major maritime power which the US was aware of and one which was determined to assert its dominance, particularly in the South China Sea.

He said China was also trying to make other countries sign up to its One Belt, One Road infrastructure investment project.

By doing this Beijing was extending its influence over other countries which would align themselves more with China than the US.

Dr Davis said China’s plans had a direct impact on Australia.

A solder in a raincoat stands watch outside the Great Hall of the People during the opening ceremony of the 19th Party Congress in Beijing. Picture: Andy Wong/AP

A solder in a raincoat stands watch outside the Great Hall of the People during the opening ceremony of the 19th Party Congress in Beijing. Picture: Andy Wong/APSource:AP

“Australia was just a backwater when Cold War was taking place, now we are right in the frontline” he said.

“The South China Sea is not far away and China is extending its reach into the Indian Ocean as well.

“We are an ally of the US and a vital partner in any potential conflict. We are front and centre of anything to do with China.”


Mr Xi may have extolled China’s many great assets, but according to New York-based Asian specialist Sean King, the Chinese President made his keynote speech all about himself.

Mr Xi was “clearly positioning himself” for a possible third term.

“People need to stop calling this event a congress as if it’s some kind of legitimate political event,” Mr King said.

“It’s one man (Xi) controlling the only party in a one-party state. How is that political theatre?”

Mr King said the President may be seeking to modernise his country in regards to infrastructure and technology, but his speech showed cause for concern.

Former Chinese President Jiang Zemin closes his eyes during the President’s long speech. Picture: Mark Schiefelbein/AP

Former Chinese President Jiang Zemin closes his eyes during the President’s long speech. Picture: Mark Schiefelbein/APSource:AP

Indications showed the country was also going backwards when it came to internet freedom, free speech and the right to worship, he said.

“Xi’s muscular world view can mean trouble for the PRC’s (People’s Republic of China) immediate neighbours who typically look to America for security but who now almost openly question our commitment to the region,” Mr King said.

“In particular, our South China Sea friends and allies, as well as Japan’s concerns over its Senkaku Islands.”

Mr King said Australia, Japan, India and other like-minded democracies might conclude they have to take things into their own hands, co-operating more among each other, in the event that the US wasn’t there.

“Our (US) quitting the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), which didn’t start out as such but evolved into an economic power play against Beijing, only furthers these fears,” he said.

Mr Xi made many nationalistic references during the speech. Picture: Lintao Zhang/Getty Images/AP

Mr Xi made many nationalistic references during the speech. Picture: Lintao Zhang/Getty Images/APSource:Getty Images


Mr Xi opened the congress which is expected to enhance his already formidable power.

In his speech, Mr Xi hailed China’s island-building efforts in the disputed South China Sea as well as his signature foreign-policy initiative, the One Belt, One Road infrastructure investment project aimed at improving connections between China, Europe and Africa.

Mr Xi wields undisputed power and is expected to get a second five-year term as party leader at the gathering.

However, critics claim he has consolidated his power by sidelining his competitors in other intra-party cliques, including those surrounding his immediate predecessor Hu Jintao and former leader Jiang Zemin.

— with the Associated Press

Gary Richard Arnold – Globalist Agenda 21 Pedigree People and Plans

Governor Brown Strengthens California’s Climate Ties with Europe, Blasts “Denialists”


BRUSSELS, Belgium – In forceful remarks before the Baden-Württemberg State Parliament and nearly three hours of wide-ranging debate and dialogue with members of the European Parliament in Brussels, Belgium, Governor Edmund G. Brown Jr. today forged closer ties with European leaders committed to climate action and blasted the “denialists” who continue to reject the scientific consensus on global warming.

“We have to wake up – wake up Europe, wake up America, wake up the whole world to realize we have a common destiny and we are all human beings on this one planet,” said Governor Brown in his address to the state parliament of Baden-Württemberg, co-founder of the Under2 Coalition. “This is daunting but it’s also an opportunity to pull people together.”

From Stuttgart, Germany, the Governor traveled to Brussels, Belgium, where he joined dozens of members of the European Parliament’s top climate and environmental committee and the leaders of the Parliament’s political parties for more than three hours of debate and discussion on climate change, its impacts, and opportunities for further collaboration. During the final hour of the exchange, the Governor confronted several members that used their remarks to openly question the science of climate change.

“The truth is that any kind of catalogue of the scientific community indicates that climate change is real, it’s having impacts. Even the Trump administration couldn’t, with a straight face, curb a report that underscores the very opposite of what you denialists have expressed here,” said Governor Brown during the discussion with the European Parliament Conference of Presidents. “With the denialists getting more attention, the people, instead of growing in their skepticism, are growing in their conviction that climate change and global warming are real matters – and we have to deal with them.”

Tomorrow, the Governor will conclude his visit to Brussels with a moderated conversation hosted by the German Marshall Fund. Later this week, the Governor will travel to Oslo, Norway, where he will meet with the country’s Prime Minister and Environment Minister and convene scientists from the world’s top national science academies before arriving in Bonn, Germany, where he will serve as Special Advisor for States and Regions at the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP23).

Yesterday, Governor Brown met with Baden- Württemberg Minister-President Winfried Kretschmann in Stuttgart, Germany after delivering opening remarks at a high-level conference on clean energy organized by the European Parliament and European Commission and meeting with European Parliament President Antonio Tajani and the European Union’s top representatives at the United Nations Climate Change Conference (COP23) – Commissioner for Climate Action and Energy Miguel Arias Caüete and European Commission Vice-President for Energy Union Marosh Shefčovič. Over the weekend, the Governor delivered keynote remarks at a symposium on climate change hosted by the Pontifical Academy of Sciences at the Vatican, where he called on global faith leaders to help awaken the world to the threat of toxic carbon pollution.

Governor Brown was named Special Advisor for States and Regions in June by Fiji’s Prime Minister Frank Bainimarama – president of COP23. The Governor continues to build strong coalitions of partners committed to curbing carbon pollution in both the United States through the U.S. Climate Alliance and around the globe with the Under2 Coalition, which has grown to include 188 jurisdictions collectively representing more than 1.2 billion people and $28.9 trillion GDP – equivalent to over 16 percent of the global population and 39 percent of the global economy.

The Governor also joined United Nations Special Envoy for Cities and Climate Change Michael Bloomberg to launch America’s Pledge on climate change to help compile and quantify the actions of states, cities and businesses to drive down their greenhouse gas emissions consistent with the goals of the Paris Agreement. In September 2018, the State of California will convene the world’s climate leaders in San Francisco for the Global Climate Action Summit, where representatives from subnational governments, businesses, investors and civil society will gather with the direct goal of supporting the Paris Agreement.

This year, Governor Brown traveled to China to build closer climate ties with President Xi Jinping, Russia to call for deeper trans-pacific collaboration on climate change at the Eastern Economic Forum, Canada to officially link California’s carbon market with Quebec and Ontario and New York to discuss subnational climate action with the UN Secretary-General and open Climate Week NYC 2017.

Photo captions:
1.) Governor Brown delivers remarks at European Parliament climate dialogue.
2.) Governor Brown at European Parliament climate dialogue.
3.) Governor Brown addresses Baden-Württemberg State Parliament.
4.) Governor Brown at Baden-Württemberg State Parliament.
5.) Governor Brown at European Parliament climate dialogue.

For high-resolution copies of these photos, contact Danella Debel at

Anti-Trump US coalition tells UN climate talks: ‘we’re still in’

Nov 9th 2017 11:30AM

BONN, Nov 9 (Reuters) – A coalition of U.S. cities, companies and other groups said on Thursday that many in the United States remained committed to the 2015 Paris climate agreement despite plans by U.S. President Donald Trump to pull out.
The “we are still in” coalition opened a 2,500-square meter (27,000-square foot) tent pavilion outside a venue in Bonn, Germany, where delegates from almost 200 nations are working on details of the pact aimed at ending the fossil fuel era by 2100.
By contrast, the U.S. government delegation office at the talks covers only 100 square meters.
“There is a tradition of non-partisanship for protecting our planet,” said James Brainard, Republican mayor of the town of Carmel, Indiana, at an opening event.
SEE ALSO: Syria plans to join Paris climate agreement, leaving US in isolation
“It is unfortunate we have moved away from it.”
Trump, who doubts mainstream scientific findings that global warming is primarily caused by man-made greenhouse gases, said in June he would pull out of the Paris Agreement and promote the U.S. coal and oil industries.
The “we are still in” coalition of states, cities, universities, faith groups and environmental activists, aims to show delegates from other nations at the Nov. 6-17 U.N. talks that many Americans are working to cut greenhouse gas emissions.

It says its signatories represent more than 130 million Americans and $6.2 trillion of annual economic output.
Fiji, which is presiding at the U.N. talks, welcomed the coalition as a “perfect example” of how the Paris accord aims to widen action beyond national governments.
RELATED: What President Trump has said about climate change

The “we are still in” pavilion is funded by Bloomberg Philanthropies, The Hewlett Foundation and NextGen America.
California Governor Jerry Brown also urged more action on climate change. “Relative to the threat, the urgency is not there … and nobody is in charge. That’s the biggest problem,” he told a news conference in Brussels. Brown travels to Bonn on Saturday. (Additional reporting by Robert-Jan Bartunek in Brussels; editing by Andrew Roche)

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Philip Jessup Jr
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 Philip Jessup Jr

Philip Jessup Jr

Philip Caryl Jessup Jr
28 Aug 2013
Philip Jessup Jr
Bio Details
Full name
Philip Caryl Jessup Jr
Date of birth
Birth place
Utica, New York, USA
Date of death:
28 Aug 2013
Place of death
New York City, New York, USA

24 Jan 1969


Original Articles

The Cities for Climate Protection Campaign (CCPC) and the framing of Local Climate Policy


ICLEI (1993b) Cities for Climate Protection. An International Campaign to Reduce Urban Emissions of Greenhouse Gases Written by Jeb Brugmann, Secretary General of ICLEI and Phillip Jessup, Director for the Urban CO2 Reduction Project, 15 February 1993 (Toronto, ICLEI) 


Urban reactions to the global warming issue: Agenda setting in Toronto and Chicago
Jessup, Philip: ICLEI, interview March 11, 1992.

These two cities illuminate the policy-making process for global warming at the urban level and the role ‘{at policy entrepreneurs}’ can play at this level. In comparing the two cities, a common model of policy development is utilized.

While pursuing his Ph.D., and for a good time thereafter (1925–1946), Jessup served as a lecturer and professor in international law at Columbia Law School. In 1946, he was named the Hamilton Fish Professor of International Law and Diplomacy at Columbia Law, a post he held until 1961.[2][3]
Jessup served as assistant secretary-general of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) conference in 1943 and the United Nations Monetary and Financial Conference (the “Bretton Woods” conference) in 1944. He was a technical advisor to the American delegation to the San FranciscoUnited Nations charter conference in 1945.
Jessup became a primary target of Senator Joseph McCarthy, who charged in the 1950 Tydings Committeehearings that Jessup was a security risk who had “an unusual affinity… for Communist causes.” McCarthy wasn’t allowed by the Tydings Committee to outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to fly in from Pakistan and give his defense. Jessup was subsequently cleared of all charges by the Loyalty Board of the State Department and the Tydings Committee, and McCarthy was rebuked by many fellow senators and other statesmen. However, in two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence regarding Jessup’s “unusual affinity for Communist causes”:
1.That Jessup had been affiliated with five Communist front groups; 2.That Jessup had been a leading light in the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party line; 3.And that he had “pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist China and Chiang Kai-shek” and propagated the “myth of the ‘democratic Chinese Communist'” through the IPR magazine, Far Eastern Survey, over which he had “absolute control”; 4.That Jessup had associated with known Communists in the IPR; 5.That the IPR’s American Council under Jessup’s guidance had received more than $7,000 of Communist funds from Frederick Vanderbilt Field; 6.That Jessup had “expressed vigorous opposition” to attempts to investigate Communist penetration of the IPR; 7.That Jessup had urged that United States atom bomb production be brought to a halt in 1946, and that essential atomic ingredients be “dumped into the ocean”; 8.That Jessup had appeared as a character witness for Alger Hiss, and that later, after Alger Hiss’s conviction, Jessup had found “no reason whatever to change his opinion about Hiss’s veracity, loyalty and integrity.”
McCarthy’s allegations severely damaged Jessup’s reputation and career .
Nonetheless, President Harry S. Truman appointed Jessup as United States delegate to the United Nations in 1951. However, when the appointment came before the Senate it was not approved, largely because of McCarthy’s influence. Truman circumvented the Senate by assigning Jessup to the United Nations on an “interim appointment.”
Shortly after John F. Kennedy took office as president, the State Department approved the appointment of Jessup as U.S. candidate for the International Court of Justice, a post that did not need Senate confirmation. He served from 1961 until 1970.



Lewis Greenleaf Adams, AIA, (1897–1977), was an American architect based in New York City
Adams attended the Groton School,[2] graduation in 1916.[3] earned his Bachelor of Architecture from the Yale University[2] in 1920.[1][3]

There, Lewis Adams was a member of the secret society, Skull and Bones.In a double-marriage ceremony on July 24, 1921, Adams married Emiline Kellogg, daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Frederick Kellogg of Utica, New York,
and younger sister of Lois Kellogg who was married that same day to Philip C. Jessup, son of Mr. and Mrs. Henry Wynans Jessup, of 20 Fifth Avenue.

Charles Seymour (1908), President of Yale (1937–1951), founding member of The Council on Foreign Relations
All of the Lindsay children attended the best schools. John went to Buckley in Manhattan before prepping at St. Paul’s, in Concord, New Hampshire. He then became a member of the class of 1944 at Yale, where he rowed crew and was elected to Scroll and Key. (David Lindsay also attended Yale; he was selected for the more prestigious Skull and Bones, and was elected to Phi Beta Kappa.) David A. Lindsay

David L. Boren (1963), Governor of Oklahoma, U.S. Senator, President of the University of Oklahoma

Michael Gates Gill (1963), advertising executive, author

William Dawbney Nordhaus (1963), Sterling Professor of Economics at Yale University

Orde Musgrave Coombs (1965), author, editor, first black member of Skull and Bones

John Shattuck (1965), US diplomat and ambassador, university administrator

John Forbes Kerry (1966), U.S. Senator (D-Massachusetts 1985–2013); Lieutenant Governor of Massachusetts 1983–1985; 2004 Democratic Presidential nominee; 68th United States Secretary of State 2013-present

David Rumsey (1966), founder of the David Rumsey Map Collection and president of Cartography Associates

Frederick Wallace Smith (1966), founder of FedEx

David Thorne (1966), United States Ambassador to Italy

Victor Ashe (1967), Tennessee State Senator and Representative, Mayor of Knoxville, Tennessee, US Ambassador to Poland

Roy Leslie Austin (1968), appointed ambassador to Trinidad and Tobago by George W. Bush

George W. Bush (1968), grandson of Prescott Bush; son of George H. W. Bush; 46th Governor of Texas; 43rd President of the United States. His nickname was “Temporary” since he failed to choose a name
Paul Giamatti (1989), Academy Award-nominated American actor

Jessup was Chairman of the Institute for Pacific Relations (IPR) American council from 1939 to 1940 and chairman of its Pacific council from 1939 to 1942. Both councils were high-level policy-making bodies. The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee found in 1954 that:
“ The IPR has been considered by the American Communists and by Soviet officials as an instrument of Communist policy, propaganda andmilitary intelligence. . . . A small core of officials and staff members carried the main burden of IPR activities and directed its administration and policies. Members of the small core of officials and staff members who controlled the IPR were either Communists or pro-Communists. ”
Through the IPR Jessup was closely associated with Alger Hiss, Harry Dexter White, Frederick Vanderbilt Field and Lauchlin Currie.
Jessup served as assistant secretary-general of the United Nations Refugee and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA) conference in 1943 and the Bretton Woods Conference in 1944. He was a member of the American delegation to the San Francisco United Nations charter conference in 1945. He was also the United States representative on the fifteen-man United Nations committee of jurists that had drafted the World Court statute. Continuing as a technical expert and advisor to various important UN commissions, Jessup prepared the State Department’s “White Paper” on China. Written at the time when the Chinese Communist Party were overrunning the mainland, this report praised the CCP and condemned the Kuomintang forces. Jessup later became one of the early advocates for the admission of Peoples Republic of China to the United Nations.
President Truman appointed Jessup as United States delegate to the United Nations in 1951. When the appointment came before the Senate, however, it was not approved because of Jessup’s openly pro-Communist record. President Truman circumvented the Senate action by assigning Jessup to the United Nations on an “interim appointment.” [1]
Institute for Pacific Relations
Senator McCarthy’s first comments regarding Jessup were made during the Tydings Committee hearings where McCarthy stated that Jessup had an unusual affinity for Communist causes. McCarthy was never allowed by the Tydings Committee to outline his case regarding Jessup but the committee did allow Jessup to fly in from Pakistan and give his defense against charges that McCarthy had not yet even made. Needless to say, the Tydings Committee cleared Jessup as they did with everyone that appeared before them. However, in two speeches on the floor of the Senate, McCarthy gave his evidence regarding Jessup’s “unusual affinity for Communist causes”. They are as follows:
That Jessup had been affiliated with five Communist front groups;
That Jessup had been a leading light in the Institute of Pacific Relations (IPR) at a time that organization was reflecting the Communist Party line;
And that he had “pioneered the smear campaign against Nationalist China and Chiang Kai-shek” and propagated the “myth of the ‘democratic Chinese Communist'” through the IPR magazine, Far Eastern Survey, over which he had “absolute control”;
That Jessup had associated with known Communists in the IPR;
That the IPR’s American Council under Jessup’s guidance had received more than $7,000 of Communist funds from Frederick Vanderbilt Field;
That Jessup had “expressed vigorous opposition” to attempts to investigate Communist penetration of the IPR;
That Jessup had urged that United States atom bomb production be brought to a halt in 1946, and that essential atomic ingredients be “dumped into the ocean”;
That Jessup had appeared as a character witness for Alger Hiss, and that later, after Alger Hiss’s conviction, Jessup had found “no reason whatever to change his opinion about Hiss’s veracity, loyalty and integrity.”
While it may be questionable that Jessup pioneered the smear campaign against Chiang Kai-Shek, it’s clear that he aided in it. There’s no doubt that every single one of these allegations was essentially correct. Solid evidence shows that Jessup was associated with four Communist front organizations. They are as follows:
the American Russian Institute, the National Emergency Conference (and its successor, the National Emergency Conference for Democratic Rights), theAmerican Law Students Association, and the American Council of the Institute of Pacific Relations. According to the House Committee on Un-American Activities (HUAC) each of these organizations was cited as Communist front groups at the time of Jessup’s association with them. Although the Tydings Committee did not allow McCarthy to present his evidence against Jessup, the Tydings Committee did refer to some of McCarthy’s evidence that were made on the floor of the Senate. Of course, as usual, the Tydings Committee either ignored the significance of the evidence or downplayed it. It was up to the McCarran Committee a year later to do the real investigating and in discussing the IPR, it stated, “The IPR was a vehicle used by Communists to orientate American Far Eastern policy toward Communist objectives.” The McCarran Committee Hearings clearly indicate that the IPR was more than just a Communist front organization in that there was an active Communist “cell” that put the services of the IPR at the disposal of “Communist imperialism”. And that this was achieved by “manipulating” the IPR’s policy-making officials.
The McCarran Committee reported that ten of the thirty-three individuals whom Jessup recommended as delegates to the IPR Hot Springs Convention in January 1945 have been named as members of the Communist Party. Jessup was well aware that Frederick Vanderbilt Field was a member of the Communist Party, and especially so when Field resigned from the IPR to devote full-time to the Communist front organization, American Peace Mobilization.
Jessup also presided over the State Department Policy Conference of October 1949 that was not only stocked with Jessup’s pro-Communist associates but also, in the words of the McCarran Committee, which stated, “…the prevailing [majority] view at the conference advocated (a) the recognition of Communist China; (b) normal trade relations between the United States and Communist China; (c) encouragement of trade between Japan and Communist China; (d) economic assistance to Communist China; (e) recognition that Communist conquest in Asia was a natural and inevitable consequence of revolutionary ferment in Asia with its Communist nature being incidental.”

Harold Stassen and General Joseph Fortier have respectively testified that Jessup not only ignored advice to disregard the pro-Communist direction of the conference and that Jessup was in favor of recognizing Communist China. The above evidence clearly demonstrates that Jessup was at least a security risk and that the State Department Loyalty program failed to identify him as such. [2]
World Court
Shortly after John F. Kennedy took office as president, the State Department approved the appointment of Jessup as U.S. candidate for the International Court of Justice, a post that did not need Senate confirmation. He served from 1961 until 1970.


A Small World
photo credit: Shutterstock

President Barack Obama
Six years after he was first elected President of the United States, Barack Obama remains something of an enigma to the public he presides over.
Ironically, this isn’t due to the President being particularly reticent about himself. After all, judging from his two books, the subject Obama finds most enthralling is Obama. For example, Obama’s 2012 eulogy for Senator Daniel Inouye (D-HI), the Japanese-American war hero, used 48 first person pronouns or adjectives (such as “I,” “me,” or “my”) to recount how the young Obama had noticed Inouye on TV.
Understandably, Obama hasn’t been in any hurry to answer his political opponents’ questions, toying with them for years over his birth certificate. Meanwhile, few of his supporters have felt much urge to ask him the detailed questions about his background that he’d probably love to expound upon at length. As Obama has explained, being a “blank screen” upon which voters can project their political fantasies has its advantages.
One reason for this obscurity is that aspects of Obama’s personal background are genuinely exotic to almost all Americans, which limits the quality of questions. For example, Obama’s Indonesian connections—as a child he lived in Jakarta from 1967-1971, shortly after the notorious massacre of Communists and Chinese; then in the 1980s Obama came fairly close to marrying a wealthy Australian woman with striking family ties to the highest circles of power in Indonesia—are perplexing to even the best-informed Americans.
Indonesia is an immense country (current population: a quarter of a billion), but it’s culturally remote from America. For instance, there are almost no prominent Indonesian-Americans (the Van Halen brothers, who are one-quarter Indonesian, may come closest). Movies about Indonesian history well-known in the West are limited to two curious ones about the downfall of the leftist ruler Sukarno in 1965 and the subsequent slaughter of Communists: The Year of Living Dangerously and last year’s documentary The Act of Killing.
Democrats, even Obama, don’t find Indonesians terribly interesting. It’s impossible to imagine Obama achieving anything in Democratic politics if he had not suddenly switched in the mid-1980s from what his friends called an “international” or “multicultural” identity to being Our First Black President.
“It’s impossible to imagine Obama achieving anything in Democratic politics if he had not suddenly switched in the mid-1980s from what his friends called an “international” or “multicultural” identity to being Our First Black President.”
And Republicans have generally found Indonesia a frustrating dead end in tying Obama to Islam or Communism. For example, the President’s stepfather, Lolo Soetoro, child of a wealthy Indonesian family, eventually died of liver failure at age 52, which doesn’t suggest he was terribly devout about abstaining from alcohol.
Lolo worked for an American oil company because his brother-in-law was a high official in General Suharto’s regime that had marched to power in 1965-66 over the dead bodies of hundreds of thousands of its leftwing opponents.
Likewise, Obama’s mother’s first job in Indonesia was at the American embassy.
The CIA/Ford Foundation policy tended to be to try to attract everybody in the Third World even slightly to the left of Che Guevara. (I wouldn’t be surprised if Obama’s maternal grand-uncle, a Ph.D. named Ralph Waldo Emerson Dunham, who worked for the Naval Personnel Research agency on the ultra-confidential Polaris submarine missile project, had vouched for his niece her being a good Jayhawk Unitarian liberal.)
She went on to a long career in Indonesia and Pakistan with the Ford Foundation, which during the Cold War served as the NGO avatar of the liberal American Establishment’s soft power. Inderjeet Parmar writes in The US Government, Citizen Groups and the Cold War: The State-Private Network:
For example, in Indonesia, where ‘anti-American’ popular and government feelings ran high in the 1950s and 1960s, the Ford Foundation played a vital role in building key educations institution with an underlying pro-western philosophy favoring capitalistic modernization and development strategies.
And that sounds like the President’s mom’s career, which eventually focused upon promoting microfinance for women entrepreneurs.
A major American nerve center for waging the Cold War in Asia was the East-West Center at the University of Hawaii. Janny Scott writes in her bestselling biography of the President’s late mom, A Singular Woman:
The summer Ann arrived in Hawaii [1960], Congress appropriated $10 million to set up the East-West Center, an institution that more than any would go on, over the next twenty-five years, to influence the direction of her life.
Lolo, an Indonesian Army officer, had arrived in Hawaii on an East-West Center grant in 1962.
Similarly, Barack Obama Sr. had gotten to the U. of Hawaii on another Cold War ploy, the Tom Mboya Airlift of promising African students to American universities. When Barack Sr. got back to Kenya, he too worked awhile for an American oil company. Although his ideological sympathies tended to be with the pro-Soviet Luo tribal leader Oginga Odinga, his all-important personal connections were with the pro-American Luo labor leader Tom Mboya.
Patrick J. Buchanan’s new book The Greatest Comeback recounts accompanying Richard Nixon to a 1967 meeting in Kenya with Mboya. Nixon and Buchanan were impressed by Mboya, but also picked up the impression that Mboya was perceived as too pro-Washington to make it all the way to the top in the rough world of Kenyan politics.
“And Tom Mboya never did,” Pat writes. After Mboya was assassinated by a Kikuyu hired gun in 1969, the final witness called by the prosecution in the hit man’s trial was the dead man’s protégé: Barack Obama Sr.
One of the more intriguing ties the President’s mother had in Indonesia was to Subud. Scott’s A Singular Woman recounts that Ann Dunham Obama Soetoro went to work for a Ford Foundation-financed English-language school at the end of the Sixties:
The school … had been started several years earlier … with the intention of helping build an Indonesian elite. … In 1970, the Ford Foundation made the first in a series of grants to the institute … She was looking for teachers. A half-dozen of them accepted her invitation, many of them members of an international spiritual organization, Subud, with a residential compound in a suburb of Jakarta.
Obama’s mom became particularly close to a Portuguese-American convert to Subud. Scott writes:
Mohammad Mansur Medeiros, a reclusive and scholarly Subud member from Fall River, Massachusetts, and Harvard, whom Ann hired as a teacher, had immersed himself so deeply in Javanese culture, language, and religion that friends nicknamed him Mansur Java. Samardal Manan … used to listen awestruck and in silence, to Ann’s freewheeling conversations with Medeiros. “You would think they were in love, but they were not,” Manan said.
Founded by a Javanese aristocrat known as Bapak, Subud’s theology was a sort of “Coexist” bumper sticker avant la lettre. You could believe in whatever religion you wanted as long as you practiced the addictive group exercise called latihan, a sort of Javanese equivalent of an est encounter session.
And did whatever you were told.
While Subud’s lack of overt dogmas sounded low-key and appealing to educated Westerners, in practice it was a classic charismatic cult with all power over the communes in the hands of the anointed leaders. The cult accumulated enough wealth to build a skyscraper in Jakarta and today seems most active in running amining company in Indonesian Borneo.
I only became aware of Subud recently, from a friend who had the misfortune of growing up in a totalitarian Subud commune in England.
While Subud’s most ardent followers lived in communes, its political connections tended to be anti-Communist. Indonesia’s new dictator, General Suharto, publicly backed Subud.
It had been introduced to the English-speaking world in the 1950s by John G. Bennett, who had been a British intelligence agent in Istanbul and then a mining engineer. Subud was also a natural fit at the East-West Center at the U. of Hawaii.
Subud seems to have been especially influential among Australian elites posted to Jakarta. For example, novelist / adventuress Blanche D’Alpuget, the second wife of former Aussie prime minister Bob Hawke, was married to an Australian diplomat in Jakarta when she began her affair with the rising politician.
Murray Clapham, a legend among Australian foreign correspondents for his hard man’s role in the 1965 Indonesian countercoup, was another Subud follower. His 2011 obituary in the Sydney Morning Herald read:
Clapham appears to have been the model for at least one fictional Australian secret intelligence service officer in the Jakarta of the 1960s, when he was posted there as a diplomat in the Australian embassy. Clapham certainly looked the part and could have walked off the pages of the Christopher Koch novel The Year of Living Dangerously. It was a dangerous time and Clapham went well beyond the normal role of a diplomat in contacting and encouraging the anti-communist student groups known as KAMI and KAPPI. …
Like various other Western diplomats, Clapham was drawn to the spiritual group Subud, founded by the Javanese teacher Muhammad Subuh Sumohadiwidjojo.
During the later 1960s, Subud became popular among Southern California rock stars, most famously Jim McGuinn, the frontman of The Byrds, who changed his name to Roger at Bapak’s command.
There exists an elaborate conspiracy theory that the SoCal rock scene of the 1960s was a front for the CIA to exercise cultural control over the new generation: the denizens of Laurel Canyon often came from old money (fellow Byrd David Crosby was both a Van Cortlandtand a Van Rensselaer) or military-industrial complex families. For instance, Jim Morrison’s father was the admiral who commanded the fleet during the Gulf of Tonkin Incident, which you must admit couldn’t possibly be a coincidence (assuming you are as high as the Lizard King).
But all that’s unnecessary: California in the 1960s was full of people who wanted to be hippies without being Communists. Tom Wolfe’s Electric Kool-Aid Acid Test argued that California hippies were drawn in two polar directions: toward Ken Kesey’s superhero-inspired “flag-flying neon Day-Glo America” or toward Timothy Leary’s Eastern-leaning Oriental quietism. (By the way, it’s not implausible that the Yale American Studies program where Wolfe earned his Ph.D. in 1957 was something of a CIA front.)
For those “seekers” attracted to the Wisdom of the East, Subud offered a syncretic Asian religion without any worries that you were coming under Chi-Com influence.
The marriage of Lolo and Stanley Ann was on the rocks by the time she enrolled in 1972 as a grad student at the East-West Center under anthropologist Alice Greeley Dewey (a descendant of two of the WASPiest figures in American history: philosopher John Dewey and newspaper editor Horace Greeley  hired Leon Trotsky ). But Obama’s mother kept returning to Indonesia (with the exception of a spell in Pakistan.)
An odd passage in the President’s life was his love affair in New York in 1983-1985 with Genevieve Cook, the daughter of the future Australian ambassador to the United States. She kept quiet about this until cooperating with Washington Post reporter David Maraniss for his exhaustive 2012 biography of Barack Obama. Maraniss describes their meeting at a Manhattan party from Miss Cook’s point of view, emphasizing how pleasantly surprised she was by how both had so many Indonesian connections. But Maraniss pointedly doesn’t mention the names of the people who must have carefully set up the meeting of the two Indophiles, Barack and Genevieve.
 Genevieve Cook  father, Michael J. Cook, had been the number two man in the Australian embassy in Jakarta (and now served as Prime Minister Hawke’s chief guru of intelligence).
Genevieve Cook’s  her mother’s second husband, Philip C. Jessup Jr., was the son of a famous Truman Administration  official, who himself was head lawyer for the International Nickel CompanyThe Washington Post reported in Jessup’s obituary:
In the late 1960s and 1970s, the company, known as Inco, entrusted him to help create a billion-dollar mining and smelting operation on the Indonesian island of Sulawesi.
Was getting Obama and Cook together a Subud operation?
That doesn’t sound impossible, but I haven’t found any evidence to support it.
A more straightforward explanation is that Genevieve’s stepbrother Tim Jessup is an anthropologist in Indonesia who knew the President’s mom.
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He talked quite a lot about discontent in a quiet sort of way—balancing the tendency to be always the observer, how to effect change, wanting to get past his antipathy to working at B.I.
The initials “B.I.” in that journal entry stood for Obama’s employer, Business International, located at 1 Dag Hammarskjöld Plaza, on Second Avenue between 47th and 48th Streets. Business International had been operating for nearly 30 years by the time Obama went to work there. Established in 1954, its stated goal was “to advance profitable corporate and economic growth in socially desirable ways.” What that entailed, for the most part, was compiling and constantly updating newsletters and reference materials for corporations that did business around the world. Obama was a very junior employee, doing research and writing reports.
By early 1984, Obama was absorbed with Genevieve and with figuring out his place in the world. Whatever and wherever that would be, it would certainly not involve Business International or anything like it. He had turned away from the rhetoric of the left, dubious of its practicality and turned off by radical remnants of the 1960s, but was also leery of succumbing to the allure of the business world. Genevieve knew that he harbored faintly articulated notions of future greatness, of gaining power in order to change things. Once, when they were in Prospect Park, in Brooklyn, they saw a young boy in costume, playing out a superhero role. They started to talk about superheroes, the comics he enjoyed as an adolescent in Honolulu, and intimations of “playing out a superhero life.” She considered it “a very strong archetype in his personality.” But he was not to be drawn out—he shut down “and didn’t want to talk about it further.”
Wednesday, May 9, 1984
But he is so wary, wary. Has visions of his life, but in a hiatus as to their implementation—wants to fly, and hasn’t yet started to take off, so resents extra weight.
Saturday, May 26
Dreamt last night for what I’m sure was an hour of waiting to meet him at midnight, with a ticket in my hand. Told me the other night of having pushed his mother away over past 2 years in an effort to extract himself from the role of supporting man in her life—she feels rejected and has withdrawn somewhat. Made me see that he may fear his own dependency on me, but also mine on him, whereas I only fear mine on him He wants to preserve our relationship but either felt or wanted it to be well protected from some sense of immediate involvement.
Genevieve was out of her mother’s Upper East Side apartment by then. Earlier that spring she had moved and was sharing the top floor of a brownstone at 640 Second Street in Park Slope. The routine with Barack was now back and forth, mostly his place, sometimes hers. When she told him that she loved him, his response was not “I love you, too” but “thank you”—as though he appreciated that someone loved him. The relationship still existed in its own little private world. They spent time cooking. Barack loved to make a ginger beef dish that he had picked up from his friend Sohale Siddiqi. He was also big on tuna-fish sandwiches made the way his grandfather had taught him, with finely chopped dill pickles. For a present, Genevieve bought him an early edition ofThe Joy of Cooking. They read books together and talked about what they had read. For a time they concentrated on black literature, the writers Maya Angelou, Toni Morrison, Toni Cade Bambara, and Ntozake Shange.
If Barack and Genevieve were in social occasions as a couple, it was almost always with the Pakistanis. Hasan Chandoo had moved back from London and taken a place in a converted warehouse on the waterfront below Brooklyn Heights. Wahid Hamid, starting a rise up the corporate ladder that would take him to the top of PepsiCo, lived on Long Island with his wife. Sohale Siddiqi was part of the crowd, along with Beenu Mahmood. It was a movable feast, and invariably a matter of bounty and excess, friends losing themselves in food and conversation. Barack for the most part declined alcohol and drugs. “He was quite abstemious,” Genevieve said. She enjoyed the warmth of the gatherings, but was usually ready to go home before him. He was pushing away from the Pakistanis, too, politely, for a different reason, she thought. He wanted something more.
Beenu Mahmood saw a shift in Obama that corresponded to Genevieve’s perceptions. He could see Obama slowly but carefully distancing himself as a necessary step in establishing his political identity as an American. For years when Barack was around them, he seemed to share their attitudes as sophisticated outsiders who looked at politics from an international perspective. He was one of them, in that sense. But to get to where he wanted to go he had to change.
Mahmood remembered that “for a period of two or three months” Obama “carried and at every opportunity read and reread a fraying copy of Ralph Ellison’s Invisible Man. It was a period during which Barack was struggling deeply within himself to attain his own racial identity, and Invisible Manbecame a prism for his self-reflection.” There was a riff in that book that Mahmood thought struck close to the bone with Obama. The narrator, an intelligent black man whose skills were invisible to white society, wrote: “America is woven of many strands; I would recognize them and let it so remain. It’s ‘winner take nothing’ that is the great truth of our country or of any country. Life is to be lived, not controlled; and humanity is won by continuing to play in the face of certain defeat.” His friend Barack, Mahmood thought, “was the most deliberate person I ever met in terms of constructing his own identity, and his achievement was really an achievement of identity in the modern world. [That] was an important period for him, first the shift from not international but American, number one, and then not white, but black.”
Obama disciplined himself in two activities—writing and running. When he was on the Upper West Side, he would run in Riverside Park. When he was in Brooklyn, he would run in Prospect Park. He was what Genevieve called “a virtuous daily jogger,” and that was one of the differences between them. For weeks that summer, Genevieve challenged Barack to a footrace. Not long-distance but a sprint. If they sprinted, she insisted, she would beat him. Barack kept putting it off. “His response was merry disbelief,” Genevieve recalled. “By merry I don’t mean he laughed at me, though he was amused. He had this way … where he inhabits a mocking space—it’s sort of a loving mocking—as if to imply ‘Ah, the frailties and tendencies we all have to be delusional, self-deceiving, preposterous even, but you are cute, and I like you better for it.’ ” Finally, he relented. They picked a day, went to the park, and chose a walkway lined by lampposts for the dash. Her journal entry:
On Sunday Barack and I raced, and I won. I ran so fast my body transformed itself onto another plane. We ran, he started off behind me and I just said to myself stay ahead, stay ahead and my body became a flat thin box w/ my arms and legs coming each precisely from a corner. And I didn’t know how long I could keep it up, but I was going to try—my whole sight concentrated on the lamp post when I felt him slow and yell you beat me, at first I thought he was giving up, but then I realized he’d meant the lamp post on the left and I’d really won! The feel of the race was exhilarating, but I didn’t feel very victorious. Barack couldn’t really believe it and continued to feel a bit unsettled by it all weekend, I think. He was more startled to discover that I had expected to win than anything else. Anyway, later in the shower (before leaving to see The Bostonians) I told him I didn’t feel that good about winning, and he promptly replied probably cos of feelings of guilt about beating a man. In which case, no doubt, he’d already discovered the obverse feelings about being beaten by a woman. Nevertheless, it was a good metaphor for me, despite, as I confessed to Barack, that in some ways it would have appeased some aspect of my self-image to have tried and lost. But I didn’t; I won.
Kenya had been weighing on Obama’s mind since the death of his father, and he talked to Genevieve about wanting to visit his family in Kenya. On one occasion he had a vivid dream about his father. It was a dream of a distant place and the lost figure brought back to life, a vision that later inspired his memoir’s title. In this dream, as he recounted it in Dreams from My Father, Barack rode a bus across a landscape of “deep fields of grass and hills that bucked against an orange sky” until he reached a jail cell and found his father before him “cloth wrapped around his waist.” The father, slender, with hairless arms, saw his son and said, “Look at you, so tall—and so thin. Gray hairs, even,” and Obama approached him and hugged him and wept as Barack Hus­sein Obama Sr. said the words Barack Hussein Obama II would never hear in real life—“Barack, I always wanted to tell you how much I love you.”
Genevieve recalled the morning he awoke from that dream. “I remember him being just so overwhelmed, and I so badly wanted to fix him, help him fix that pain. He woke up from that dream and started talking about it. I think he was haunted.”
Genevieve and Barack talked about race quite often, as part of his inner need to find a sense of belonging. She sympathized and encouraged his search for identity. If she felt like an outsider, he was a double outsider, racial and cross-cultural. He looked black, but was he? He confessed to her that at times “he felt like an imposter. Because he was so white. There was hardly a black bone in his body.” At some point that summer she realized that, “in his own quest to resolve his ambivalence about black and white, it became very, very clear to me that he needed to go black.”
Early in Barack’s relationship with Genevieve, he had told her about “his adolescent image of the perfect ideal woman” and how he had searched for her “at the expense of hooking up with available girls.” Who was this ideal woman? Genevieve conjured her in her mind, and it was someone other than herself. She wrote, “I can’t help thinking that what he would really want, be powerfully drawn to, was a woman, very strong, very upright, a fighter, a laugher, well-­experienced—a black woman I keep seeing her as.”
In Dreams from My Father, Obama chose to emphasize a racial chasm that unavoidably separated him from the woman he described as his New York girlfriend.
One night I took her to see a new play by a black playwright. It was a very angry play, but very funny. Typical black American humor. The audience was mostly black, and everybody was laughing and clapping and hollering like they were in church. After the play was over, my friend started talking about why black people were so angry all the time. I said it was a matter of remembering—nobody asks why Jews remember the Holocaust, I think I said—and she said that’s different, and I said it wasn’t, and she said that anger was just a dead end. We had a big fight, right in front of the theater. When we got back to the car she started crying. She couldn’t be black, she said. She would if she could, but she couldn’t. She could only be herself, and wasn’t that enough.
None of this happened with Genevieve. She remembered going to the theater only once with Barack, and it was not to see a work by a black playwright. When asked about this decades later, during a White House interview, Obama acknowledged that the scene did not happen with Genevieve. “It is an incident that happened,” he said. But not with her. He would not be more specific, but the likelihood is that it happened later, when he lived in Chicago. “That was not her,” he said. “That was an example of compression I was very sensitive in my book not to write about my girlfriends, partly out of respect for them. So that was a consideration. I thought that [the anecdote involving the reaction of a white girlfriend to the angry black play] was a useful theme to make about sort of the interactions that I had in the relationships with white girlfriends. And so, that occupies, what, two paragraphs in the book? My attitude was it would be dishonest for me not to touch on that at all … so that was an example of sort of editorially how do I figure that out?”
Obama wrote another scene into his memoir to serve a dual purpose, exposing what he saw as a cultural gap with Genevieve. He described how his New York girlfriend finally persuaded him to go with her to the family’s country estate in Norfolk, in northwestern Connecticut, for a weekend.
The parents were there, and they were very nice, very gracious. It was autumn, beautiful, with woods all around us, and we paddled a canoe across this round, icy lake full of small gold leaves that collected along the shore. The family knew every inch of the land. They knew how the hills had formed, how the glacial drifts had created the lake, the names of the earliest white settlers—their ancestors—and before that, the names of the Indians who’d once hunted the land. The house was very old, her grandfather’s house. He had inherited it from his grandfather. The library was filled with old books and pictures of the grandfather with famous people he had known—presidents, diplomats, industrialists. There was this tremendous gravity to the room. Standing in that room, I realized that our two worlds, my friend’s and mine, were as distant from each other as Ken­ya is from Germany. And I knew that if we stayed together I’d eventually live in hers. After all, I’d been doing it most of my life. Between the two of us, I was the one who knew how to live as an outsider.
The differences in this case between Barack’s portrayal and Genevieve’s recollections are understandable matters of perspective. It was her stepfather’s place. They rode the Bonanza bus up from New York and got off at the drugstore in Norfolk. It was indeed a beautiful autumn weekend, though colder than expected, and Obama complained about it. He did not bring warm enough clothes, so he had to borrow a woolen shirt from Genevieve. The Jessup property was 14 acres, with woods, brook, and pond. The library was exactly as he described it, cluttered with photographs and memorabilia of the grandfather’s distinguished career. The family mostly watched the evening news in there, and played charades.
From the distance of decades, in reading the memoir, what struck Genevieve most was Obama’s description of the gravity of that library, and the vast distance between their worlds, and his conviction that he alone was the one who knew how to live as an outsider. She felt as estranged from that milieu as he did, and he knew it, and over the ensuing decades it was Barack, not Genevieve, who would move closer to presidents, diplomats, and industrialists, the world of an insider. “The ironic thing,” she noted, “is he moved through the corridors of power in a far more comfortable way than I ever would have.”
Genevieve had started teaching at P.S. 133, on Butler Street in Park Slope, that fall of 1984. She had fretted about it all of the previous summer, and now that she was in the classroom it proved even more difficult than she had anticipated. She confided to Barack one day that she had mentioned the idea of leaving to a colleague, who told her that if she stayed she would end up with a nice pension. “That was the only time he raised his voice and got really, really upset with me,” she recalled. “He went berserk about the trade-offs he saw his grandparents make for some supposed safety net at the ex­pense of something He meant at the expense of their souls.”
That was something Obama, in his own self-assessment, deeply wanted to avoid. He said he would never keep a job just for security. In early December, after one year at Business International, he quit. He also left the apartment on 114th Street and moved in with Genevieve. It was to be a temporary arrangement until he left for Hawaii over the Christmas holidays. When he returned, he would find another place of his own, he said. Their time living together did not go well.
Monday, December 10
After a week of Barack and I adjusting to each others constant presence and his displacement, I expect that this week will make it hard to be alone again when he has gone [to Hawaii for Christmas]. We got very irritated w/ each other Fri. night and Saturday, talked about it.
Thursday, December 13
Induced a flare-up yesterday between Barack and me over a suddenly felt irritation at doing the breakfast dishes. Then I was less than honest when I broached my irritation w/ Barack in the vein of, I’m going to tell you I’m irritated, but only because I don’t want to be, and expected him to just let it roll off his back … living w/ someone, you inevitably turn your private frustrations out on that person, because that kind of projection is such a basic and pervasively influencing ego defense mechanism. And too, as one is so unaware of the other person’s living reality, I had not taken into account Barack’s feeling of being displaced and in the way. In the end he said I know it’s irritating to have me here, and I wanted to say and mean, no of course it isn’t, but I couldn’t. That has been the biggest surprise, that rather than enjoying his extended presence like a very long weekend, as I think I thought I would, and reveling in the comfort of reliably having someone to eat dinner with, and talk to and go to sleep with, I’ve been …resentful I suppose—no—as he said, impatient and domineering How beneath the surface things are after all.
Before Obama left for Hawaii, she bought him an expensive Aran-wool cable-knit white sweater at Saks Fifth Avenue to replace an old one he had inherited, likely from his grandfather, that had holes in it and that Genevieve liked to wear. He was embarrassed that she had spent so much money on it.
When he returned from his western travels in mid-January, he was still without a place of his own and back in her apartment in Park Slope. He had landed his first or­ganizing job for the New York Public Interest Research Group, a nonprofit founded in the state in 1973 and inspired by the national organization created by citizen activist Ralph Nader. Obama had focused his ambitions on organizing since his last year at Columbia, while acknowledging that he was not entirely certain what it meant. He was hired at a salary that was barely more than half what he had earned at B.I., and his job was to organize students up on the Harlem campus of the City University of New York, focusing on environmental and student-­aid issues.
He succeeded at the job, by most standards, bringing more students into the organization and rejuvenating the chapter. But the issues seemed secondary to him, and he went to work every day with that same sense of remove and distance that he had carried with him at Columbia. Looking back on it decades later, he said that that first organizing job “had always felt sort of like a tryout of organizing as opposed to plunging into it in a serious way.” When he talked about the job with Genevieve, he mostly just said that it was depressing, which captured his mood much of that winter and early spring of 1985.
In his memoir, explaining his relationship with Genevieve to his Kenyan sister, Auma, he wrote: “I pushed her away. We started to fight. We started thinking about the future, and it pressed in on our warm little world.” All in the perspective, again. From Genevieve: “My take on it had always been that I pushed him away, found him not to be ‘enough,’ had chafed at his withheld-ness, his lack of spontaneity, which, eventually, I imagined might be assuaged, or certain elements of it might be, by living together. Because it felt so intrinsically to be part of his character, though, this careful consideration of everything he does, I saw it, then, as a sort of wound, one which ultimately I decided I was not the person he would ‘fix’ it with.”
At the end of March, Genevieve moved from Second Street to another apartment, on Warren Street, in Brooklyn. Barack helped her move, then found a place for himself in the 30s, off Eighth Avenue, in Hell’s Kitchen. He and Genevieve continued their earlier routine of seeing each other on weekends, but things had changed. By the middle of May, their relationship was over.
Thursday, May 23, 1985
Barack leaving my life—at least as far as being lovers goes. In the same way that the relationship was founded on calculated boundaries and carefully, rationally considered developments, it seems to be ending along coolly considered lines. I read back over the past year in my journals, and see and feel several themes in it all … how from the beginning what I have been most concerned with has been my sense of Barack’s withholding the kind of emotional involvement I was seeking. I guess I hoped time would change things and he’d let go and “fall in love” with me. Now, at this point, I’m left wondering if Barack’s reserve, etc. is not just the time in his life, but, after all, emotional scarring that will make it difficult for him to get involved even after he’s sorted his life through with age and experience.
Hard to say, as obviously I was not the person that brought infatuation. (That lithe, bubbly, strong black lady is waiting somewhere!)
Obama had been thinking about Chicago since April 29, 1983, when Harold Washington made history, sworn in as the city’s first black mayor. Obama’s hope initially had been that he could land a job in the Washington administration after he graduated, which only showed how unschooled and naïve he was. Not until a decade later, when he was fully immersed in the give-and-take world of Illinois politics, would he learn how crucial it was to have a patron, or “Chinaman,” as it was called in that inimitable legislative milieu. In the spring of 1985—from the remove of New York City, having visited Chicago only once in his life, on a summer tour of the mainland with his family when he was 12 years old—Obama had no Chinaman, but he did have something. He had a telephone call from Jerry Kellman.
The connection began when Obama was at the New York Public Library and came across the latest copy of Community Jobs, a publication of six to eight pages that listed employment opportunities in the social-­justice and social-services fields. One listing was for a group called the Developing Communities Project, which needed a community organizer to work in the Roseland neighborhood on the South Side of Chicago. Right city. Right line of work. Obama sent in his résumé and cover letter, something he had done many times before with no luck. Two matters left unstated in the ad were that Kellman, who oversaw the project, specifically wanted an African-American for the job, and that he was getting desperate.
Obama’s application seemed intriguing, though it gave no indication of his race. The ré­sumé noted his Hawaiian childhood. The sur­name sounded Japanese. Kellman’s wife was Japanese. He knew that Obama could be a Jap­anese name and that Japanese-­Americans were common in Hawaii. It would take a conversation to find out more, so he reached Obama in New York and they talked on the phone for about an hour. At some point, without asking directly, Kellman came to the realization that Obama was black. It was even more apparent to him that this applicant was smart and engaging and interested in social issues. Definitely worth a deeper look. Kellman told Obama that he would be in Manhattan soon to visit his father, a theatrical-­copyright attorney who lived at 92nd and Broadway, and suggested they get together then. The meeting took place across town and down in Midtown, at a coffee shop on Lexington Avenue.
Kellman challenged Obama, throwing questions in his path as obstacles, one after another. Why did he want this line of work, with its low pay, long hours, and endless frustration? How did he feel about living and working in the black community for the first time in his life? “I asked him, ‘Why do you want to do this? Why do you want to organize? You graduated from Columbia. You are an African-American when corporations are looking for people like you. Why don’t you do something else?’ But first, Why? Where does this come from? What place and how deep does it come from? And what I got from him was that the people in the civil-rights movement were his heroes. And I also got from him that his mom was a social activist, an academic social activist, but a social activist.”
As the coffee-shop conversation progressed, Obama turned the tables and started interviewing Kellman. He wanted to make sure that the Developing Communities Project was legitimate and serious. This wasn’t some far-left enterprise, was it? He had moved beyond that, he said. Obama turned his questioning to Chicago and what this disheveled white man could teach him. Kellman wondered what Obama knew about Chicago. Not much. Hog butcher for the world, Obama said, reciting the famous Carl Sandburg line. Not anymore—the stockyards had closed, Kellman responded. Obama mentioned the Cubs, perennial losers, and Harold Washington, the town’s new winner. He pressed Kellman for more observations about the city and the South Side neighborhoods, what was happening with the steel mills, the decline of factory work, the fraying of families and communities. The more they talked, the more it became obvious to Kellman that Obama was his man.
Before leaving New York, Barack spent $2,000 on a blue Honda Civic that he would drive into the heartland to start his new life. He also took along the white cable-­knit sweater that Genevieve had given him for Christmas. It would comfort him in the cold Chicago winter.
Adapted from Barack Obama: The Story,by David Maraniss, to be published this month by Simon & Schuster; © 2012 by the author.


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The new Chinese-created ACChain crypto currency blockchain will be the SDR-related world currency that will allow the international banking elite to digitize every tangible asset on earth, and they will then exert total control over all of it. Lynette Zang explains: “The goal is to capture your wealth, and when the say this is the LAST wealth transfer mechanism they mean it because they want it all. All of it.” Intel Software designer Brad peters takes it one step further, saying: “If a global crypto coin controlled by the Bank For International Settlements (BIS) comes to internationalize PROPERTY onto their crypto blockchain, they get their one world government and one world currency all in the same stroke. This IS your 1988 (2018 prediction) Economist magazine cover.” Here’s the original video Lynette posted on August 8, 2017: The Global Unit of Account is now shifting from the USD to the SDR – Lynette Zang… RELATED ACChain VIDEOS: ACCHAIN GLOBAL LINK… Join ACCHAIN.ORG become super node… Thanks for tuning in. For REAL news 24/7:

Fukushima’s Tritium Disaster Dwarf’s The Titanic by Yoichi Shimatsu

Fukushima’s Tritium Disaster Dwarfs The Titanic

By Yoichi Shimatsu
Exclusive to Rense

In blatant disregard and denial of the ill effects of tritium on human health and the global ecosystem, the Tokyo Electric Power Company (TEPCO) is preparing to dump nearly a million short tons of tritiated wastewater from its storage tanks at Fukushima directly into the Pacific Ocean. The massive release of radioactive wastewater is casting the Pacific Rim and Arctic nations adrift onto the uncharted waters of a planetary catastrophe.

This premeditated crime stands in direct violation of the 1972 London Convention on Prevention of Marine Pollution and subsequent treaties, to which Japan is a signatory, forbidding ocean disposal of nuclear waste. Instead of building new storage tanks to replace the current units, which are past the 5-year expiry date, TEPCO in its drive for profitability can get away with gross violations of international law because the Japanese ministries of foreign affairs, fisheries, education and economic development aid have bribed the leaders of Pacific Basin nations, an open secret well known in the International Whaling Commission.

During the Fukushima meltdowns, Tokyo permitted and even encouraged TEPCO to release unprecedented amounts of radioactive isotopes in water and solid waste into the ocean. During the crucial years 2011-2014, the Tribunal of the UN Convention on Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) was under the thumb of its president Shunji Yanai, a diplomat and key supporter of Japan’s nuclear-weapons armament. No legal complaints were brought against Japan’s sea disposal, in notable disregard of the secret sea-dumping of weapons-grade plutonium. Not a whisper of objection was voiced by the top politicians of those “ banana republics of the north”, the U.S. and Canada, suppliers of reactors and uranium respectively for Japanese nuclear-energy companies.

In parallel to the despicable political cowardice and avarice, not a single research laboratory or scientific institute has ever issued a letter of protest over the geophysical impact of cumulative radioactive dumping along the tectonic subduction zones and volcanic vents on the seafloor. The institutions responsible for protecting public health and the marine environment from a nuclear disaster, including the IAEA, Japan’s Economy Ministry, the U.S. Department of Energy, NOAA and the WHO, have no clue about how to stop the continuing disaster spewing out of Fukushima and lack an iota of political will to stop this madness.

Their sole emergency response has been resounding silence and occasional disinformation to conceal the extent of the crisis. The scientific chicanery and lack of concern for public health is an ethical calamity in a certain sense more sordid than the mass murder now being perpetrated by the nuclear industry. Make no mistake about it: we are heading, amid this environmental and moral catastrophe, toward a day of reckoning when the perpetrators, collaborators and beneficiaries behind this monumental crime against humanity will face stern swift justice without a glimmer of mercy.

Q&A: Way Down Below the Ocean

Here, this segmented article in my ongoing series of reports on the Fukushima crisis focuses on just one of the emerging threats: the role of tritium and deuterium, or heavy water, in detonating nuclear fusion blasts at the bottom of the Pacific Ocean. The Fukushima crisis is not over yet, it’s just starting to get interesting.

A titanic force is gathering at the bottom of the Pacific Ocean, a powerful cocktail of radioactive isotopes and pure plutonium out of Fukushima and from other nuclear power plants since even before the 2011 reactor meltdowns.

Far from being a “lesser” threat as compared with cesium, strontium or particles of uranium, the heavy water elements of tritium and deuterium pose the potential danger of combining in a fusion reaction powerful enough to trigger earthquakes, tsunami and volcanic eruptions along The Ring of Fire. Contrary to the mistaken belief that seawater only quells nuclear reactions, the seabed is a natural test site for detonating fusion reactions. The Q&A is followed by a backgrounder discussion of the curious phenomenon called “muon-catalyzed cold fusion”.

– The starter question is: Does tritium dumping on this grand scale hold hidden dangers besides the radioactive poisoning of seawater, clouds and drinking water?

– The short answer: If released in large volume, tritium and its companion deuterium dumped into the ocean can fuse together in an uncontrolled chain reaction called muon-catalyzed cold fusion, which releases gamma rays and explosive energy.

In contrast to thermonuclear fission of enriched uranium or plutonium, which requires an enormous energy boost, muon-catalyzed cold fusion can start spontaneously at or below room temperature. Three components are needed to trigger this type of nuclear reaction: tritium and deuterium along with a muon, which is a subatomic particle derived from cosmic rays called neutrinos.

While laboratory experiments have been conducted since 1956, the potential for an uncontrolled fusion reaction outdoors in nature was inconceivable until TEPCO decided to dump its heavy water into the sea. Hence, we are playing catch-up with reality, if for no other reason than not to suffer the shock of ignorance like the civilians in Hiroshima when the bomb dropped. It’s all-important to know what’s hitting us.

– Q: Can muons occurring in nature trigger a large-scale fusion reaction between tritium and deuterium in the Pacific Ocean?

– A: Thus far in the Nuclear Era, the amount of tritium released from nuclear power plants and nuclear-powered war vessels has been insufficient for fusion by muon catalysis. A relatively short half-life of 12 years has also limited long-term build-up of tritium in the sea.

What makes seafloor fusion possible in the near future is the sheer volume of tritium and deuterium in the 777,000 metric tons of wastewater soon to be released from Fukushima. That’s of a different order entirely from heavy water releases of the past. All of a sudden, the threat dimension of tritium-deuterium fusion has emerged.

– Q: Won’t tritium and deuterium be dispersed across the Pacific and become too diluted to pose any threat?

– A: The hoax of dispersal and dilution of radioactive isotopes is shameless nonsense and part of a disinformation campaign by the nuclear industry, its supporters in government and publicity agents. Research studies have shown that heavy water, as its descriptor suggests, is denser than ordinary “light” water and seawater, and therefore sinks, especially in the colder waters off northeast Japan and the northern tier of the Pacific as well as the Arctic Ocean.

Along the seafloor, tritium and deuterium collect in depressions in the rock or keep moving along currents until reaching deep trenches. What is worrisome is the proximity of Fukushima to major subduction zones as well as other risk factors, including the high-grade plutonium secretly dumped into the ocean in the year following the 2011 meltdowns.

A fusion reaction can act as a trigger to unleash seismic forces or to initiate a powerful fission explosion by uranium-derived radioactive materials. If the tritium-deuterium mixture happens to settle over containers of high-grade plutonium, especially along an undersea fault or volcanic vent, that’s a problem much more serious than a deep-sea submersible vessel can handle. The Japanese Natural Resource Agency operates undersea mining vessels, but it will be difficult to convince the culprit government to admit that it did something as reckless as dumping war-grade plutonium off the coast. Another problems is extreme difficulty for a salvage operation to vacuum-pump heavy water from a great depth.

Temperature makes a great difference between the planned release of cold tritiated water and the earlier hot escape in 2011. The earliest tritium flows during the reactor meltdowns escaped containment as steam, rising in a heat column up to the jetstream across the Pacific and settled on colder places, including the mountains of North America, volcanic peaks in Hawaii (where mutated flowers were discovered in the following year) and across the Arctic region. Due to emission of heat energy and its different melting point, the tritium fallout fragmented the Arctic ice sheet and frozen lakes in northern regions. The Obama administration did absolutely nothing about the Arctic tritium crisis, and so the ball’s now in the court of the Trump team, which has also donned a blindfold even as the polar bears and walruses die off.

Q: Can muon particles reach the tritium and deuterium that’s concentrated on the seafloor?

A: Now for the bad news. Muons don’t just descend from the sky above the waves. Muons are created by neutrinos penetrating Earth from all directions, including the antipodes, meaning the opposite end of the planet. Neutrino collisions with minerals in the bedrock create muons. The deep water above the seafloor is constantly being bombarded by muons coming from all directions. Arguably, the deep sea is an optimal “lens” for fusion reactions.

Hardly anything is known about these undersea threats because the funding from NOAA and other agencies for benthic research is allocated to the “gold rush” to strip minerals from the seafloor or to study organisms inside volcanic vents. Instead of get-rich schemes or pondering how life began, it would have been better to invest in studies of how life on Earth could end. The world’s navies have dumped their nuclear reactors and depleted uranium into the ocean, so undersea radioactivity research has never been encouraged by governments.

As an example, one strange factor that could radically increase the efficiency of muon-catalysis are the vast layers of methyl hydrate, a type of frozen hydrogen interlaced with ice, called “fire ice”. This crystal matrix could provide a stable structure for efficient muon interactions with strategically placed tritium and deuterium, resulting in massive releases of neutrons and high energy. However, fire-ice has been researched solely as an alternative fuel and never for these sorts of risk factors. As a consequence of greed, environmental irresponsibility and neglect of risk, practically no attention is paid to explosives and toxic chemicals piled on the seabed. It’s a situation of waiting for an accident to happen.

Q: Can a fusion reaction trigger secondary explosions?

A: In an idyllic natural world, no, but this mangled planet is anything but idyllic or natural. There is a huge amount of radioactive material from nuclear plants dumped off the coast of Japan (3,000 containers prior to Fukushima 2011), South Korea and the United States. Besides that, the world’s seabeds contain an estimated 4 billion tons of natural uranium of unknown purity. During the year after the 2011 disaster, the Japanese nuclear authority removed weapons-grade plutonium from several secret sites in the greater Fukushima complex and dumped the highly reactive fissile material into the Pacific Ocean. Without maps or other public information about where those plutonium piles are located, it’s not advisable to dispatch a salvage vessel because it will end up as another Lucky Dragon No.5, the trawler irradiated near Bikini Atoll.

If muon-catalysis occurs near any of those dump sites, the fusion reaction could trigger a standard fission explosion. Note: the cold temperature of deep seawater should tend to suppress and quell a fission reaction, that is, if there are no mineral sources of oxygen nearby. One thing is certain: the sea is full of surprises.

If an explosion occurs near a seismic fault or volcanic vent, the initial shock wave alone could trigger tectonic forces or even tilt the Earth off its axis, as happened during the March 14, 2011 explosion of Reactor 3. The sun doesn’t set where it used to pre-Fukushima. The Earth is similar to a spinning top, and if the undersea blasts are strong enough, the planet will wobble wildly and might even topple over, and there goes all the air and water flung out into deep space.

Q: Can a fusion reaction by itself or in combination with a fission blast cause an undersea earthquake or an volcanic eruption?

A: If the initial explosion occurs at a build-up point of seismic tension, an undersea quake could ensue. The San Andreas Fault is patrolled by a security force to prevent just such a terrorist attempt to artificially trigger an earthquake. Japan is at the convergence point of three major subduction zones between four huge tectonic plates, meaning huge pressures are brought to bear on a relatively small geographic area. Therefore a fusion blast could indeed trigger a series of earthquakes, tsunami and volcanoes, any of which have the potential to destroy an onshore nuclear reactor as happened on 311.

Q: Can this series of catastrophes threaten the human future on this planet?

A: In London and Las Vegas, bookies are not giving odds on the end of life on Earth, if only because there won’t be anyone left to collect their winnings. A nuclear disaster is one of few possible catastrophes (others include a gigantic meteor strike and death rays from a supernova) that can eliminate the vast majority of species on this planet. Fukushima has probably done more harm to a greater number of species than any threat since the Ice Age and possibly, before this crisis is over, even more than the meteor that wiped out the dinosaurs.

The full extent of damage from Fukushima is yet to be seen, much less assessed, and undetected factors including radioactivity-caused DNA mutations in the human gene pool, may have already doomed our fragile genome. It’s not helpful that the nuclear regulators and scientific institutions remain in denial, or that there exists no civil defense system to protect the public while the Fukushima effects worsen.

Q: What can we do to stop this ongoing catastrophe?

A: – Learn to protect your health from radioactivity in food, water and the environment.
– Get involved with a local anti-nuclear movement, and if none exists start one.
– Order a dosimeter or geiger counter to monitor radioactivity threats, and report your findings in a blog or by posting to anti-nuclear groups and online media like .
– Confront your congressman and senator about their voting record on nuclear issues.
– Be creative and use your skills to promote a nuclear-free society.

Following the Q&A section, the following essay touches on various aspects of muon-catalyzed cold fusion and the need for a much tougher stance on science, policy, public health and ethical issues. Since the scientific controversy related to cold fusion is a vast field in itself, it’s discussed here only briefly. The challenge is always, of course, to be accurate as possible while keeping things interesting and sometimes humorous as an essay rather than a research paper.

The Basics of Heavy Water

The health risk from tritium arises from its simple atomic structure similar to hydrogen, a component of the water molecule, which of course is the basis for life. Tritium and deuterium are nuclear-boosted variants of hydrogen.

The nucleus of hydrogen, the simplest of all atoms, is a single positive-charged proton, whereas the deuterium nucleus hosts an added neutron (a particle without a charge), which like hydrogen can assume the form of a gas or a component of water.

Aside from a small quantity of tritium and deuterium naturally produced by cosmic rays passing through the water in dams or lakes located at high altitude, the greater amount of heavy water on Earth is created inside nuclear reactors.

The tritium nucleus contains two added neutrons. Having double neutrons in a small light atom is inherently unstable, and during the 12-year half-life one tritium, one of those neutrons is likely to escape. The surplus energy, which held that neutron in place, will be released as a beta ray, which is energetic enough to cause skin burns or damage cells inside one’s body. (Beta burns are a widespread and serious problem in Japan in the Fukushima region and even at the 2020 Olympic sports venues in Tokyo Bay, with sores resembling melanoma.)

Due to the failure to accurately monitor and issue reports on water released from nuclear reactors, the amount of tritium and deuterium in the water supply has been steadily increasing over the decades. Despite the absurdly high levels of tritium permitted in drinking water by government agencies under pressure from the nuclear industry, tritium-contaminated water should be avoided to prevent beta-ray exposure to internal organs.

Deuterium is a lesser threat to health but it is not entirely safe. An estimated 30 percent deuterium content in your body’s water will bring on death. Nearly all space water (in ice asteroids) is deuterium due to cosmic-ray bombardment, dooming space colonization, which is something Branson and Musk is not telling prospective settlers. Just think of Conestoga wagons around pools of alkali water in the deserts of the western USA littered with skeletons.

A Cold Shot from Outer Space

Now let’s venture into the exotic science of muon-catalyzed cold fusion. Any physics professor or lab researcher who scoffs at cold fusion and attempts to deny its possibility is nowhere in the same league as the late Luis Alvarez, the champion of Catastrophism who overcame a mocking chorus of lesser minds to prove that the extinction of dinosaurs was caused by a meteor from outer space.

The concept of muon fusion was earlier proposed by Andrei Sakharov, the Nobel laureate and top nuclear-weapons designer in the Soviet Union. Alvarez and Sakharov, are there any tag-team challengers? After gaining the endorsement from that pair of brilliant minds, why then is cold fusion treated with disdain by the science fraternity and relegated to snake oil and unethical delusions?

Just take a look around to see whether anyone from that high priesthood has dared to criticize Fukushima. Not a peep from the peanut gallery. Here’s a tautology worthy of the DOE: Cold fusion with its great promise is a fraud but nuclear fission as demonstrated at Fukushima is great stuff.

Inside the liquid hydrogen chamber at his Berkeley laboratory in 1956, Alvarez detected a collision involving an incoming lepton particle, which his team’s calculations later showed to be a muon. The muon triggered fusion of proton and deuterium nucleus to create helium, which in the process released a gamma ray and 5.5 MeV (mega-electron-volts of energy). In contrast to nuclear fission, Alvarez eagerly noted, cold fusion required no external energy input.

To diagram how this remarkable cold fusion process worked, Alvarez and his research team suggested that a negative-charged muon, which has 500 times more mass-energy (momentum) than an electron, sometimes will hijack the electron shells of tritium and deuterium, creating a temporary cluster. The heavyweight muon squeezes these nuclei together, forcing the reaction.

The consequent merger of two nuclei (involving a total of 2 protons and 3 neutrons) creates an unstable helium atom. Only with the ejection of one of the neutrons, a gamma ray and 5.5 MeV (mega-electron volts, mega standing for million), does the newly formed helium atom achieve stability.

The muon can move on to repeat this process on another pair, but in most cases does not. The tendency of muons is to simply fly off, to the great disappointment of cold-fusion researchers. Commercial cold fusion energy production would require each muon to perform 200 such bondings during their brief existence of only 2.2 milliseconds.

Alvarez’s real-world experiments with fusion reactions, which produce far more energy that they consume, became the Holy Grail of nuclear physics in the quest for an energy source more efficient and less risky than the fire-breathing dragon of nuclear fission. That is until the Fleishman-Pons scandal put the brakes on research.

In the 1980s, taunting criticism from conservative physicists forced fusion research to stall after the media “witch trials” against the Fleishman-Pons claims of room-temperature fusion. Unfortunately, the more meticulous cold fusion research done by Steven Earl Jones at Brigham Young University was conveniently ignored by the press. (Jones later came into the media spotlight as the main expert critic of the official cover story about the 911 World Trade Center collapse and was persecuted in academia for his evidence-based analysis of a controlled demolition inside the WTC.)

It is to his lasting credit that Jones stood up against the philistine fraternity of fake science and stood by cold fusion as well as for the truth about 911 being an inside job. Science ethics did not win him subsequent research grants or a chair professorship. Instead Jones was ostracized and banned from his university. In its unethical essential character as a social club, science has not progressed since the trial of Galileo, who was found guilty of suggesting the Earth circles the Sun rather than vice versa. The persecution of truth-telling, sound familiar?

More recently, a younger less-biased generation of researchers have conducted laboratory trials inspired by the Alvarez findings. A team at the RIKEN institute in Tokyo developed techniques to focus muon beams to achieve increasingly strong energy releases of more than 3.0 MeVs with relatively simple equipment. Despite the gains, cold fusion is still relegated to fringe research.

It is ironic then that untrammeled greed and ethical duplicity at TEPCO are about to unleash cold fusion on a titanic scale, with the entire Pacific Ocean at a nuclear test site. Before long, instead of taunting cold-fusion theory as unworkable, the scientific authorities may soon be denouncing muon catalysis for releasing too much energy. If Godzilla rises out of the Pacific Trench to storm into Tokyo Bay, shout a cheer for cold fusion.

Finding NEMO       

The bottom of the ocean is an environment favorable for muon-catalyzed fusion due to several factors, including intense pressure in the deep, the tendency of tritium and deuterium to sink in seawater, cold temperatures that retart the chaotic motion of free atoms, and an abundance of newly created muons.

An undersea research project of tangential significance is an Italian-sponsored project called NEMO Phase-2, a neutrino and muon detector placed face-down at a depth of 3,500 meters in the Mediterranean Sea off Cape Passero, near Syracuse, Sicily. NEMO stands for Neutrino Mediterranean Observatory. The research objective is to measure the muons that are created inside the Earth, below the seabed, by neutrinos from space angling in around the antipodes, the opposite side of the Earth, which for Italy is the Tasman Sea between New Zealand and eastern Australia

A Race Against the Speed of Light

Created inside stars, cosmic rays known as neutrinos are elementary particles without an electric charge that move at astonishing speed along straight paths. The neutrino speed controversy is a fascinating issue since these particles arrive to Earth from distant supernovae much earlier than light. The orthodox defenders of Einstein’s theory of relativity attribute the lag to the curvature of space as traveled by photons whereas neutrinos move in a straight line.
This face-saving ploy is like saying at the racetrack: “My horse is faster than yours even though yours won the race.” Lies, damned lies and statistics are also a matter of relativity, or call it fake science.

The vast majority of neutrinos zip through the Earth unharmed and keep heading toward some distant rendezvous with . . . something or the other, or maybe nothing. However, some of those neutrinos crossing our planet’s path collide with atoms in the Earth or dust in the atmosphere, releasing a negative-charged muon. Following birth, the majority of muons continue on their merry way. (Please, no questions about where muons go in the afterlife.)

When There’s No There There

Muon collisions sometimes occur only because there are so darned many of the little critters, although a lot of muons have so far been undetectable and therefore labeled “dark matter” (which is ridiculous) or as “flavors”. Scent is perhaps a better description that taste, since one might get a whiff of something passing by, like a heady perfume that triggers your wildest imagination but you never get to meet or even see the woman you’ve just fallen in love with. Well, an attachment like romantic love is delusional, and as Buddhist philosophy puts it, there’s only Emptiness.

Never feel alone because your lonesome body is the Holland Tunnel for ghostly commuter muons. According to a high-energy researcher at the University of Tokyo:
“One muon passes through the palm of your hand every second, or one muon per minute through a fingertip. In the space of a single night, a million muons pass through the human body.”

How can it be that you’ve never felt a single muon penetrate your vital organs, not even your private parts, and yet your body is being constantly invaded? Well, it’s like two ships passing in the night. You cannot feel, hear or see those million of tiny bullets zipping through your skin and bones, and they don’t know you are there. As a revisit to hometown Oakland was for Gertrude Stein: “there is no there there.”

Even if one or another muon happens to zap an atom in your urinary tract nobody will ever know, not even you in the morning.. It’s like the tree falling in the forest that nobody is around to hear.

The shyness of the muon is a huge problem. The solution to this nagging problem could be, thanks to TEPCO’s gross irresponsibility, in the crystal matrix of frozen hydrogen on the seafloor. Time for an analogy.

Bowling Pins and Nitro Frozen Cocktails

Muon catalysis is like bowling in the 1940s. That big heavy ball is the muon moving close to light speed down the bowling lane. The pin boy, however, is in a bad mood because he was stood up on date with a girl for the matinee movie, and so he places the pins here and there absentmindedly in no particular order, and then goes out to smoke a cigarette. As the bowler, you grit your teeth because your score is going to be awful, meaning you get to buy the next round of Pabst Blue Ribbon.

Then the manager comes over to tell you that a new-fangled pin-setting machine has just been installed in the next lane, and he wants you to try it out. To your amazement, after the machine is done clanking and groaning, the bowling pins are there in a perfect triangle. You kiss that ball, and feel the gravity of the moment, and let it roll. Boom! Clatter. Strike! Suddenly, for the first time in your life, you are a pro-level bowler.

As for cold beer, you just earned one, but what’s bowling have to do with cold fusion? Everything. Instead of trying to get the straight-shooting muon to hit dancing atoms inside a gas chamber, what if the tritium and deuterium atoms were to be aligned, in perfect formation inside a geometric matrix, a bowling alley made of ice.

The muon slams into one t-d pair, and then whichever way it’s deflected the muon will head straight into another pair, and so on ad infinitum for 200-plus hits. That’s like a score of 300 in bowling. Have a Pabst on Lawrence Berkeley, or nowadays a Corona. Actually, class, instead of a pop quiz, your assignment is to make a frozen margarita out of methyl hydrate . . . .

Unfortunately, that’s just the silver lining. The bowling pins are tritium and deuterium from Fukushima, and that next lucky strike is going to trigger a massive quake along the Nankai Trough and blow the lid off Mount Fuji, covering Tokyo and its environs with fire and brimstone, before the cataclysm moves on to the continents for a clean sweep. No beer or margaritas, bowling cancelled.

Before drifting off like muon, what’s methyl hydrate? Nobody knows for sure  how the methyl hydrate got to the sea bottom. Japanese researchers suggest the hydrogen was extracted from ancient plant matter, whereas one American research team argue that undersea hydrogen is a byproduct of the mineral chemistry in the formation of serpentine rock. With the clock running down in overtime, too bad there’s not a minute left to find the answer.

Space Cannibals

If governments do not act to stop TEPCO, should you space cowboys try to escape to outlandish asteroids? Stephen Hawking’s advise is to get off this doomed planet ASAP. The self-centered tycoons plan to evade the coming planetary disaster by reserving a seat on an aerospace liner operated by Richard Branson or Elon Musk and leave the rest of us behind in the Earth Apocalypse. It’s not space tourist, it’s an escape plan.

Their problem, tut-tut, will be resupply after the death of this garden planet. Don’t expect another carton of Mars bars after the warehouse crew sees the huge tsunami heading inland and sweeping away cargo rockets like minicars in that foaming black tide during the 311 tsunami.

Soon thereafter, the space colonists will have to resort to cannibalism, those selfish swine in spacesuits. How delicious that will be! Hi, I’m Neil Hamstrung, your server for tonight. Which of you would like to meet our charcuterie chef on a private tour of our galley?

Final Reckoning

So it’s better to die with your feet on the ground or under sixty meters of water than to dangle in zero-gravity like a side of beef inside SpaceX Falcon Heavy. The Millennium Falcon, it’s not. Right, Chewy?

The stars are not all they’re cracked up to be. On the next clear moonless night, step outdoors to look at the glory of billions of sparkling stars and realize that the overwhelming majority of those solar systems cannot host life and are fatal to your health.

In this deathly galaxy, our living planet is amazingly rare, yet we, or they, are nearly done destroying it. How stupid is that? How utterly ungrateful for the gift of life. Sodom and Gomorrah was child’s play compared with the sins of our grotesquely demented elites.

Be thankful for life and discover inside yourself the joy to be one of the last men standing because you have an ultimate task ahead. The environmental crimes of TEPCO along with the rest of the deceitful nuclear industry are about to turn our garden planet into a molten orb spinning erratically in a death dance. The executives with the nuclear industry, their lackeys in politics, agents in regulatory agencies and the cult priesthood of physicists are homicidal criminals who must be rounded up and fitted into straitjackets until genocide trials can be hastily arranged and last-minute ecocide laws enacted and implemented.

Hawking’s wrong about off-planet escape but he’s right about the final hour approaching. When the death knell starts to toll, we must act to save whatever little is left of human dignity by laughing out loud. Life is the greatest gift, it’s glorious, especially when we’re about to lose it.

Yoichi Shimatsu is a science journalist who has conducted field research on both sides of the Pacific, in the Fukushima exclusion zone and radioactive sites in the U.S.

Why Didn’t the US Shoot Down That North Korean Missile?

Why Didn’t the US Shoot Down That North Korean Missile?


This image made from video aired by North Korea's KRT on Saturday, Aug. 26, 2017 shows a photo of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un inspecting soldiers during what Korean Central News Agency called a "target=striking contest" in North Korea.

The military’s record of hitting intermediate-range missiles is less than perfect. That makes the decision to attempt an intercept much harder.

This story has been updated to reflect recent developments overnight.

North Korea launched another medium-range missile on Monday, this one right over Japan. Despite Defense Secretary Jim Mattis’ threats to shoot down missiles aimed at Guam and President Donald Trump’s Pyongyang-aimed bluster, the United States and Japan let it fly. Why?

After the test, Trump on Tuesday said that “all options are on the table,” as every president has said for decades. But the Pentagon is still reluctant to use some of the most obvious options, such as shooting down a missile above the earth’s atmosphere with another missile fired from a ship.

The United States has 33 Aegis warships (three more are slated to arrive next year) that can launch an interceptor to hit a mid- or intermediate-range missile like the Hwasong-12 that North Korea sent over Hokkaido. Sixteen of those warships are currently in the Pacific.


Pacific Command, in Honolulu did not respond to questions about why they didn’t attempt to down Monday’s missile. The command did issue a statement: “North American Aerospace Defense Command, NORAD, determined the missile launch from North Korea did not pose a threat to North America,”

Mattis said earlier this month that any North Korean missile headed toward U.S. land, including Guam and other territories, would be shot down and considered war against the United States. But, he added, if the missile were tracking to land in the sea, it would be the president’s call what to do about it.

See also: As Missile Defense Technology Improves, So Do Odds of an Arms Race in the Pacific

And: The Technology Race to Build — or Stop — North Korea’s Nuclear Missiles

Tom Karako, senior fellow and missile defense expert with the Center for Strategic and International Studies, said that if the missile launched Monday were really a threat to the United States or even Japan “then presumably we may well have attempted to engage it.”

But what are the costs and what are the benefits in attempting such an intercept? Anti-missile interceptors like the ones on U.S. warships are designed to hit enemy missiles as they reach peak altitude — in the case of the Hwasong-12, that’s above 3,500 kilometers. The United States has demonstrated that it can intercept mid-range and slightly higher intermediate-range missile. But the test record includes embarrassing and recent failures.

Between January 2002 and August 14 of this year, the Defense Department attempted 37 interceptsof a mid-range missile and hit the target 29 times with an SM-3. There are many reasons for this, but the biggest, according to the Pentagon’s Office of the Director of Operational Testing and Engineering, is that realistic testing of interceptors is very expensive and requires a lot of lead time and support.


Update: On Wednesday morning, MDA conducted another successful intercept test using an SM-6 aboard a warship against a medium-range ballistic missile target. “The USS John Paul Jones detected and tracked a target missile launched from the Pacific Missile Range Facility on Kauai, Hawaii with its onboard AN/SPY-1 radar,” the agency said in a press statement.

In February, MDA showed that their newest version of the standard missile, the SM-3 IIAcould hit a mid-range missile. But a second test in June was a failure. The Navy later attributed that to human error. But 50 percent is not a good record for the most advanced intermediate-range interceptor in the U.S. arsenal.

The Obama administration pushed hard for a ship-based defense against mid-range North Korean missiles aimed at Japan or Guam but found that the military has much better chance of hitting missiles that don’t fly so high.

Shooting down an enemy missile aimed at U.S.territory may be good defense, but shooting down a missile test aimed at the sea would be an act of war. Or so argued North Korea.

“Taking a shot at a North Korean missile is not something the U.S. military would do lightly or without a directive to do so,” said Karako. “if we are going to shoot at something, we will do it like we mean it. But there has to be a good reason to do it. That reason might be if there is an actual threat to the U.S., its forces, or our allies. Or it might be if the U.S. or Japan adopts a policy to intercept certain types of missiles or those on certain kinds of trajectory.  But that would have to be a deliberate policy choice.”

The highest probability of success would be to hit the enemy missile closer to the ground, during the so-called boost phase. That’s what MDA is aiming for in the future with laser-armed drones. In July, the agency put out a request for information for a high-altitude long endurance aircraft. Read that to mean a drone that can fly above 63,000 feet for a long time. According to the request, the drone should have enough power for a 140-kw laser. But that program won’t even begin testing until 2023. Until then, and likely even after, every time a missile heads toward Japan, Guam, or anywhere else, military leaders will have to decide whether attempting to shoot down North Korean missiles is worth the costs of possibly missing — or starting a war.

GOP Senator: Time ‘Running Out’ to Pass Trump Agenda

GOP senators hold a news conference in the Capitol to encourage the Senate to work through the August recess on July 11, 2017. (Tom Williams/CQ Roll Call via AP Images)

WASHINGTON – Republican senators who successfully lobbied Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) to truncate lawmakers’ summer break said today that with limited working days left between now and the end of the fiscal year they have to tackle multiple items on President Trump’s agenda.

“The president basically said at the first of the year that there were four major priorities this year. One was healthcare, one was regulation, one was tax and one was the Supreme Court,” Sen. David Perdue (R-Ga.) said during a press conference with a group of GOP senators.

“We’re moving on most of those, but right now even if we get through healthcare in the next week or two, between now and the end of the fiscal year, we only have 31 working days left and we have the debt ceiling to get through, the budget for 2018, the reconciliation that goes with that and the appropriations process to fund the government before September 30,” he added.

Perdue said not taking the traditional August recess is “much bigger” than repealing and replacing Obamacare.

“We need to get to this tax bill. This bill is the final chapter in getting this economy going that the president laid out earlier this year,” Perdue said. “We just want to make sure we have plenty of time to get all of that done.”

Sen. Steve Daines (R-Mont.) compared Congress to struggling college students.

“We’ve got healthcare. We’ve got budgets. We’ve only got 31 scheduled days in the Senate between now and the end of our fiscal year, Sept. 30, to get a budget passed. This past year we were 7 months into the fiscal year before we finally passed a budget,” Daines said.

“So I don’t see any reason why we need to be leaving this town in August. We should be here doing the people’s business. If you were going to school and you were getting failing grades in your spring semester, you better stay in school for the summer and go to summer school, not take a recess,” he added.

Sen. Dan Sullivan (R-Alaska) agreed with Daines.

“What we don’t have is time. What we are running out of is time … so what do we do? We can create more time. We can do that,” Sullivan said.

After the senators’ presser, McConnell announced he would trim the five-week break by two weeks, letting lawmakers go home the third week of August.

Sen. Mike Lee (R-Utah) said there’s an “enormous amount” of work for Congress to do and that the Senate’s “artificially imposed” deadlines do not “serve the interest” of the American people.

“Whether you are on the left end of the political spectrum or the right end or somewhere in between, it’s difficult to dispute the fact that there’s a lot that needs to be done,” Lee said.

China’s Role in Hollywood Grows With Bison Takeover of Cinedigm

China’s Role in Hollywood Grows With Bison Takeover of Cinedigm

Bison Capital, a Hong Kong-based investor in film and TV production, agreed to acquire a majority stake in Cinedigm Corp., which creates programs for Netflix Inc. and other online outlets

Bison will buy 20 million newly issued shares of Cinedigm for up to $30 million and provide as much as $10 million in working capital, according to a statement Thursday. Los Angeles-based Cinedigm is also in talks to exchange its 5.5 percent convertible notes due in 2035.

The takeover of Cinedigm, which got its start helping smaller theater chains convert to digital projection, highlights the growing interest Chinese investors have in owning the films and TV shows that play in their fast-growing domestic market.

“Despite its rapid growth, China remains greatly under-served in terms of content quality and diversity,” Peixin Xu, founder of Bison Capital, said in the statement. “We will leverage Cinedigm’s content access and distribution capabilities to bring more premium, independent content into the China market.”

Bison could also “launch Chinese content channels in the North American market,” he said.

Cinedigm has remade itself into an online distributor of niche programs such as art-house films, documentaries and older TV shows like “Hart to Hart” and has online channels including CONtv, for the Comic Con Network. The company had been evaluating takeover approaches over the past couple years, people familiar with the situation said previously.

Bison Capital already has stakes in entertainment-related assets such as Bona Film, according to the statement. It will also work with Cinedigm to refinance and retire its debt. The company had $149 million in long-term obligations as of Dec. 31.